This study investigates Hong Kong primary teachers’ perceptions of moral, civic and national education, which may have an impact on how they prepare students to become ‘good citizens’ through classroom instruction. Moral and Civic Education (MCE) has been an overall goal of Hong Kong’s education system since 2001, while Moral and National Education (MNE) was proposed as a new subject in an effort to introduce a patriotic agenda in 2011. Teachers play essential roles in nurturing students to become ‘good citizens’ because they are the key figures in implementing education and curriculum policies in schools. Therefore, gaining a greater understanding of teachers’ perceptions of MNE provides insights into the extent to which teachers are prepared to contribute to the patriotic agenda as part of a revamped civic education curriculum. While there are complex factors affecting teachers’ receptivity to curriculum change, an understanding of factors that influence teachers’ perceptions of patriotic education could be valuable for school stakeholders (such as policymakers, educators and researchers), not only in Hong Kong but in other places (such as the United States and the United Kingdom), when they consider what can be done to influence students’ attitudes towards citizenship. Utilizing pilot data, this study reports Hong Kong teachers’ attitudes towards patriotic education through the proposed new school subject of MNE. The findings indicate that ‘perceived others’ support’, ‘perceived concerns of MNE’ and ‘non-monetary cost-benefits’ were the significant predictors of teacher receptivity of MNE. The results suggest that when teachers had concerns about patriotic education, they were less likely to support its implementation, while if they had the support of others they were more likely to support implementation of MNE. More importantly, teachers who perceived that patriotic education can cultivate more well-rounded students were more likely to support the implementation

Economic and Public Affairs (EPA) has been an integrated study of social, economic and political education for the junior secondary classes in Hong Kong since 1984, the year in which the Sino-British Joint Declaration on the Question of Hong Kong was signed. The Hong Kong students could, from then onwards, have an opportunity to receive an education for citizenship, in preparation for the post-Joint-Declaration era from 1984 till the end of June, 1997. The scope of content in the three-year curriculum was analysed to have covered mainly the aspect of social education, while that for economic and political education was surprisingly insufficient, if a balanced 'education for citizenship' was intended. A revised syllabus with a set of new and rearranged topics in social, economic and political education was proposed, to cater for the needs of Hong Kong students from 1996 to the beginning years of the new Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). It is extremely important and urgent for Hong Kong teachers to commit themselves more actively than at any other time in Hong Kong history since 1841, to facilitate an education for citizenship in schools.
[Copyright © 1996 Symposium Journals Ltd.]

This chapter lays out the research questions that guided the study and the methods used to conduct the study. The study was conducted in 17 secondary schools in six countries: Australia, Hong Kong, Japan, Taiwan, Thailand, and the United States. The first research question related to the school's policies with respect to civics education. The second question inquired into the nature and extent of the curriculum activities that were provided for the purpose of promoting civics education. The third question asked how key stakeholders perceived the nature and impact of the implemented curriculum. The fourth question concerned the similarities and differences across schools within each society with regard to each of the first three questions. Interviews and observations provided the primary data used to address the questions.
[Copyright © 2001 Elsevier.]

This paper argues that in the new landscape of a postmodernist world, civic education would need to nurture national identity and promote intercultural outlook hand in hand. This article reviews development of Hong Kong’s civic education development in this light. In the case of post-colonial Hong Kong, a sensible balance is most needed as the city is to continue as an international city that functions as one of China’s windows to the world.
[Copyright © 2007 Biblioteca Virtuală ASE.]

The paper reviews the issues and challenges presented by a new emphasis on civic education in the wake of Hong Kong's return to Chinese sovereighty after 155 years of British colonial rule. After providing a historical overview of the development of civic education in Hong Kong, the paper focuses on the implementation of the new Guidelines for Civic Education in Schools and the introduction of a new subject of civic education for junior secondary schools in 1998. It then examines the implications of the proposed changes in curriculum for the preparation of competent of civic education teachers at Hong Kong Institute of Education, the major provider of teachers in Hong Kong.
[Copyright © 1998 Pacific Circle Consortium for Education.]

This paper starts with a broad historical overview of educational reforms and then focuses on those specific to civic education. Lastly we look at the implementation of policy, and examine the effect of the current political climate in the Special Administrative Region (SAR) on civic education.
[Copyright © 2002 Pacific Circle Consortium for Education.]

This chapter describes the study as it was conducted in Hong Kong in two case study schools. The first is a new school located in a recently developed area close to the mainland border. The second is a long established school, operated by the Anglican Church. The results suggested that the goals promoted by the government were not a strong feature of the schools’ implemented programs. Although the planned goals of civic education in the first school reflected the national policy, in practice, the emphasis was on prescribing correct attitudes and the maintenance of order and discipline. In the second school, there was no continuity between the school's goal and the national policy; however, there was a strong continuity between the school's goal and the perspectives of all stakeholders.
[Copyright © 2001 Elsevier.]

This article discusses the influence of Confucianism on civic education, focusing on Hong Kong as a particular case of concern. The development of Hong Kong’s civic education is sketched, highlighting the competitions between the politicized and depoliticized versions of the civic education curriculum. The notion that a depoliticized civic education, supported by Confucian ideals, is necessarily a distinctive feature of Asian civic education, is then critiqued. Finally, the article argues that an eclectic version of civic education, comprising both political and moral components, is warranted. This is what Confucian tenets really mean. It is hoped that the discussion here will help reflect whether Confucian tenets justify depoliticization of education and civic education. This is important given the growing aspiration for democracy and citizens’ participation in civil societies, particularly those whose cultural roots are in the Confucian tradition. Moreover, the authors hope that the dialogues between Confucian traditions and the Western traditions discussed in the article can shed light on some thought-provoking issues of interest to an international readership, particularly as China is becoming more influential globally.
[Copyright © Symposium Journals Ltd 2012.]