During the turbulent 2018–19 school year, we researched Hong Kong teachers’ perceptions regarding the design and implementation of National Education in schools for students aged 12–17. We seek to make a contribution to understandings of aspects of the cultural, political and social dimensions and contexts relevant to teacher education. 41 civic and/or national education teachers were interviewed about their educational aims, content, teaching methods and assessment approaches. Teachers believe National Education should deliver and assess knowledge of China and nurture students’ identification with the nation through teaching Chinese culture and history via a balanced pedagogical approach and experiential learning. They discuss the relationship between Hong Kong and China, and conclude that teaching about the Chinese government is unavoidable. This indicates that in addition to teachers’ long established cultural, civic and cosmopolitan forms of nationalism, they are now using national unity and economy-induced nationalism to frame their professional work. These findings are significant because they indicate teachers’ fundamental and educational characterisations of National Education at this crucial juncture of Hong Kong; highlight the issues that should be considered for any programmeof initial or in-service teacher education; and, ultimately, indicate the nature of what may possibly be implemented in schools. Copyright © 2021 Australian Teacher Education Association.

This research study contributes to understanding teachers’ perceptions and views of using controversial issues and political neutrality in teaching, through an analysis of data gathered through questionnaire responses in a wider project and 41 semi-structured interviews. There are diversified views about the relationship between controversial issues and education. Some teachers feel that it is impossible to avoid controversial issues and that using them is educationally necessary. Three approaches were identified regarding their teaching of controversial issues: ‘open’, ‘critical’, and ‘committed’. The authors argue that teachers’ actions are influenced by factors which are discussed as ‘contextual’, ‘political’, and ‘pedagogical’. Teachers operate in specific places and times, have their own views about the nature of the good society, and prioritize their professional responsibilities. These findings contribute to our understandings of the teachers’ viewpoints and how those views are shaped. Such understandings will contribute to the development of reflective education policy and practice. Copyright © 2021 Teacher Development.

This article aims to generate a better understanding of Hong Kong teachers’ perception of national education as implemented in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (hereafter referred to as Hong Kong SAR) and the interrelationship between their perception and the methods they adopt to teach the topic. We outline the Hong Kong context relevant to our research and review the relevant literature to consider typologies and teaching methods about and for national education. Questionnaire data focused on the seven typologies of nationalism and the three teaching methods of national education identified in the literature review. A total of 601 questionnaires were returned from 198 schools. The typologies of cultural nationalism, civic and peripheral nationalism, authoritarian nationalism, unification nationalism and cosmopolitan nationalism, and the teaching methods of group discussion and an affective approach characterize the views of Hong Kong secondary school teachers about national education. We suggest that teachers’ diverse views about nationalism and their varied use of teaching methods to achieve their goals suggest the powerful influence of current initiatives from the Chinese mainland and the need to reflect on established academic literature that proposes the decolonization of the curriculum and interactive and critical teaching methods. Copyright © 2021 Intellect Ltd Article. English language.

Both Hong Kong and Macau issued civic education documents before their sovereignty was returned to China. These two internationalized cities aimed to prepare for the future when their colonial governance was coming to an end. Having taken decolonization policies into consideration, it is understandable that sovereignty regimes have their own self-designed citizenship education plans. Judgments with selective commentaries on public and political events could transmit various and crucial political messages. Their proposed curriculum might differ in contents but their essential qualities of civic education targeted at facilitating students’ core values and positive attitudes. Deficiencies are thus identified and how such deficiencies are later reflected in history is noted. The new concepts of citizenship were merely prominent in these two areas and the contents were no longer creative. It is observable that the lack of adoption of recommendations on education concerned with the nurturing of young people and their empowerment with self-determinism is clearly perceptible, under the so-called “one country, two systems” governance. Or, it may well be that something was overlooked. If so, it may be that there may be a lack of planning for social harmony and sustainability of these metropolitan cities. The problem is quite thought-provoking. Coryright © 2018 David Publishing Company.

Originally, the capitalist society in Hong Kong under communism is exceptional, but the “one country, two system” formula was a makeshift stratagem by the Communist Chinese government. The twenty years of history witnessed the tension of ruling and policy implementation. Education policy in political conflicts is, of course, the other arena in the Hong Kong context which reveals competitions, controversies and struggles among the cultural hegemonic engineering. This paper can contribute to enigmatic understanding and interpretation of generating educational reform and implementing education policy in this twenty years history of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.
[Copyright © 2017 Institute of China and Asia-Pacific Studies, National Sun Yat-sen University, Taiwan.]

This paper aims to the analysis of civic education policy of the two governments of Hong Kong, the British Colony before 1997 and the Chinese Special Administrative Region after 1997. Hong Kong people own questionable identities, neither British citizens nor Chinese subjects. Basically, the decolonization showed that the policy of domestication was implemented during the transition period of Hong Kong where the government patronized and empowered the Hong Kong people through enhancing human rights and developing political democratization. After handing over of sovereignty, the education policy made the contents of civic education more patriotic, cultural hegemonic and national ideological. The intentions were quite obviously presented in policy documents and responded in the historical contexts. The historical comparison intends to get the expandable interpretation of the scenario of education policy in this period of Hong Kong.
[Coryright © 2014 David Publishing Company.]

Hong Kong people never gained autonomy and they were the ruled. What the government intended to educate people always showed the way and the trend of the officials wanted to govern their citizens or subjects. Govern mentality of education policy indicated the intentional reasons of making required citizens through schooling. Basically, the de-colonization showed that the policy of domestication was implemented during the Hong Kong transition period where the government patronized and empowered the Hong Kong people gradually through human rights adopted and political democratization from 1984 to 1997. The intentions were quite obvious presented in policy documents and responded to the historical contexts.
[Copyright © 2014 Center for Promoting Ideas, USA.]