Both Hong Kong and Macau issued civic education documents before their sovereignty was returned to China. These two internationalized cities aimed to prepare for the future when their colonial governance was coming to an end. Having taken decolonization policies into consideration, it is understandable that sovereignty regimes have their own self-designed citizenship education plans. Judgments with selective commentaries on public and political events could transmit various and crucial political messages. Their proposed curriculum might differ in contents but their essential qualities of civic education targeted at facilitating students’ core values and positive attitudes. Deficiencies are thus identified and how such deficiencies are later reflected in history is noted. The new concepts of citizenship were merely prominent in these two areas and the contents were no longer creative. It is observable that the lack of adoption of recommendations on education concerned with the nurturing of young people and their empowerment with self-determinism is clearly perceptible, under the so-called “one country, two systems” governance. Or, it may well be that something was overlooked. If so, it may be that there may be a lack of planning for social harmony and sustainability of these metropolitan cities. The problem is quite thought-provoking. Coryright © 2018 David Publishing Company.

Learning about political issues through the new core subject of Liberal Studies (LS) in senior secondary education in Hong Kong has become ‘socially problematic' amid mounting concern of politicians and pundits who see a link between such learning and the recent waves of student protests. Using data from in-depth interviews with senior secondary students in Hong Kong, we explore how politically disengaged and engaged youth experienced their LS learning and how they perceived and made sense of the relationship between LS learning and political participation or its absence. Our findings indicate that while there appear to be circumstances that give rise to diversified learning experiences, LS has little bearing on youth political participation or otherwise.
[Copyright © 2017 Sage Publications and YOUNG Editorial Group.]

Various terms have been used to define civic education (CE) in Hong Kong since the colonial era. This has been particularly true since 2011, when CE has been given many names, causing confusion among educators. Mixed methods were employed to examine teachers’ perceptions of different conceptions of CE expressed as moral, civic and national education. The findings indicate that some teachers might not be able to differentiate among moral education, CE and national education. Most teachers contended that national education should be included in CE, while others believed the opposite. Teachers perceived that moral and civic education was more successful than moral and national education in cultivating students to become ‘good citizens’. Teachers’ comprehension of these terms has policy and pedagogical implications. While the study is set within the context of Hong Kong, the findings are valuable to policymakers and educators in other countries seeking to improve CE.
[Copyright © 2016 British Association for International and Comparative Education.]

Civic education is considered as a way to nurture good citizens who work to develop the polity. However, in real politics, education often mirrors instead of shaping the political development. Reviewing civic education of Hong Kong from a historical development perspective, this article explains that civic education has for long been used a tool of governance by the political regimes. This was true not only during the days of colonial rule but is also that after the reversion of sovereignty in 1997. Manipulating civic education as a tool of governance can have far-reaching consequence. In the case of Hong Kong’s civic education, the problems due to neglect, deliberate suppression, and twisting around in different historical phases created the problem for the future. Hong Kong’s civic education is now stuck in a quagmire, and preparing young people to face the sociopolitical challenges becomes increasingly difficult. Finally, this article makes suggestions for reforming civic education in Hong Kong. To conduct this study, a mixed methodology was adopted which comprised both literature review and qualitative interviews with civic education teachers and teachers of the subject Liberal Studies. Selective discourses of the teachers are reported to inform the understanding of the discussion.
[Copyright © 2016 The Author(s).]

This paper aims to the analysis of civic education policy of the two governments of Hong Kong, the British Colony before 1997 and the Chinese Special Administrative Region after 1997. Hong Kong people own questionable identities, neither British citizens nor Chinese subjects. Basically, the decolonization showed that the policy of domestication was implemented during the transition period of Hong Kong where the government patronized and empowered the Hong Kong people through enhancing human rights and developing political democratization. After handing over of sovereignty, the education policy made the contents of civic education more patriotic, cultural hegemonic and national ideological. The intentions were quite obviously presented in policy documents and responded in the historical contexts. The historical comparison intends to get the expandable interpretation of the scenario of education policy in this period of Hong Kong.
[Coryright © 2014 David Publishing Company.]

Hong Kong people never gained autonomy and they were the ruled. What the government intended to educate people always showed the way and the trend of the officials wanted to govern their citizens or subjects. Govern mentality of education policy indicated the intentional reasons of making required citizens through schooling. Basically, the de-colonization showed that the policy of domestication was implemented during the Hong Kong transition period where the government patronized and empowered the Hong Kong people gradually through human rights adopted and political democratization from 1984 to 1997. The intentions were quite obvious presented in policy documents and responded to the historical contexts.
[Copyright © 2014 Center for Promoting Ideas, USA.]

This paper discusses the development of civic education curriculum in Hong Kong and outlines the changes of its nature in different historical phases. How civic education curriculum of Hong Kong responded to differential social needs in both the colonial era and after 1997 is examined. Important curriculum documents are analyzed to facilitate the discussion. How civic education in Hong Kong evolved from teaching students to identify themselves with a city to identify themselves with a nation and a globalized world is highlighted.

The civic mission of schools in nurturing political literature, critical thinking and participatory citizens has always been played down in Hong Kong schools. On one hand, teaching civic education has never been ranked high in the education agenda. On the other hand, because of the conservative nature of schools, students are rarely encouraged to participate in school governance for the enhancement of their citizenship development. Funded by the General Research Fund (GRF) in Hong Kong, the authors conducted a quantitative survey on students’ participation in school governance and their citizenship development in 2013 to explore 1) students’ conception of “good citizens”; 2) the level and scope of student participation in school governance; and 3) the facilitating and hindering factors influencing student participation. This paper is a report on the simple statistical results of the survey findings. With reference to Westheimer and Kahne’s typologies, the findings revealed that the students had an eclectic understanding of citizenship, with higher scores for Personally Responsible Citizen and lower scores for Participatory, Justice Oriented and Patriotic Citizen, reflecting a conservative orientation. Concerning the implementation of school civic mission through student participation in school governance, it was found that students were rarely allowed to engage in important school matters, such as formulation of school rules and discussion of the school development plan. Our findings also revealed that schools were more inclined to inform students and consult them rather than confer real participation and powers to them. The paper concludes that the current practice of student participation in school governance does not facilitate the nurturing of active participatory citizens, particularly of a Justice Oriented nature, and this is urgently needed for the democratic development of Hong Kong.
[Copyright © 2014 JSSE.]