This study explores Chinese secondary students’ intentions for future political participation drawing on samples of students from Mainland China and Hong Kong. Political participation examined in this study includes both conventional participation (legal protest, electoral participation and informal participation) and unconventional participation (illegal protest). Previous studies of adoles-cents’ political participation intentions have mainly been concerned with democratic regimes while this study focuses on authoritarian and hybrid regimes, such as those in Mainland China and Hong Kong. Adopting a comparative and quantitative methodology, this study utilized secondary data analysis with large samples. This study found that students from both societies showed a weak endorsement of illegal protest but a strong endorsement of all three types of conventional participation. Mainland Chinese students demonstrated a stronger endorsement of conventional participation than their Hong Kong counterparts. To understand inner-group difference, students were clustered into four groups (Alienated-Radical Participators, Supportive-Active Participators, Loyal-Minimal Participators and Critical-Active Participators) based on their political attitudes (political trust and political efficacy) and intentions for future political participation. Results suggest that Hong Kong had more Alienated-Radical Participators while Mainland China had more Supportive-Active Participators. In general, Mainland Chinese students were more regime-supporting and Hong Kong students were more regime-challenging. Copyright © 2023 Intellect Ltd Article.

Students are now living in a world that is both rapidly changing and complex. This study aims to examine the effects of school subjects and the classroom climate they create on 15-year-old students’ global competence. A multilevel analysis was conducted on a representative sample of 5,873 Hong Kong participants in PISA 2018. The results showed that student perception of a better classroom disciplinary climate contributes to their global competence directly (.07) and indirectly via their skills in mathematics (.03), science (.03), and reading (.07) at the student level, and indirectly via their skill in reading (.38) at the school level. In addition, about one-third (.32) of the variance of global competence was explained at the school level. These findings suggest that schools play an essential role in cultivating students’ global competence, via traditional learning in core subjects such as mathematics, science, and reading, and a good learning environment. Copyright © 2021 HKERA-APERA International Conference.

Socio-political changes and curriculum reforms in Hong Kong pose new challenges to civic education. These challenges can influence “principals’ reorientation and development of practices” (Szeto, 2020, p. 2), teacher autonomy and self-efficacy (*Wong et al., 2020) in different ways across schools. The National Security Law (NSL) in Hong Kong (implemented in July 2020) increases social uncertainty over academic autonomy and could influence teacher attitudes toward civic education. Hence, this study examines principals’ and teachers’ perceptions of citizenship education and how their schools support civic teaching in times of stress. Principals influence the civic environments of their schools (Author et al., 2020), and teachers affect the civic environments of their classrooms (Author et al., 2018b). Understanding principals’ and teachers’ perceptions of citizenship education could provide insights for nurturing students to live in a complex world. The findings revealed principals were more positive than teachers in regard to their schools and citizenship education, and attempted to provide teachers with the autonomy to facilitate civic teaching. Teachers perceived more strongly than principals that the Chinese national government has influenced their schools’ attitude to citizenship education and they showed less confidence than principals in the possibility of nurturing students’ patriotism. Copyright © 2022 CitEdEV.

This preliminary study gathered principals’ and teachers’ views of Hong Kong’s citizenship education as well as the ways it could be facilitated for democratic purposes. On some measures the views of both groups were compared while principals were asked what they did to facilitate democratic citizenship education. The findings revealed principals were more positive than teachers in regard to their schools and citizenship education, and attempted to provide teachers with the autonomy to facilitate civic teaching. Teachers perceived more strongly than principals that the Chinese national government has influenced their schools’ attitude to citizenship education and they showed less confidence than principals in the possibility of nurturing students’ patriotism. Copyright © 2021 AERA21.

Hong Kong is moving towards a knowledge-based economy. In order to nurture and motivate a population to continuously achieve world-class success, Hong Kong‟s education system has been reformed extensively since 1997, with a balanced focus on academic and practical learning. Generic forms of learning outcomes are critical to allow students to demonstrate high flexibility and adaptability in response to ever-changing challenges in the future. By using two well-validated instruments which measure students‟ achievement of generic learning outcomes and their engagement in schools, the cultural literacy and student engagement scales, this study aims to assess the development of generic learning outcomes of Hong Kong senior secondary school students, the extent to which students are well-equipped with the skills to succeed in a knowledge-based economy. The results of a survey study of 1,715 students inferred that their performances were not up to standard and questioned in particular the success of the New Senior Secondary (NSS) school curriculum. A regression model further suggested that these generic learning outcomes could largely be explained by how schools plan and facilitate students‟ learning inside and outside the classroom. It is argued that the primary role of NSS schools should focus to provide students with meaningful and useful learning experiences so as to achieve the curriculum goal of fostering their generic learning. This paper will contribute to the discussion of how to better support the NSS curriculum reform in Hong Kong. Copyright © 2020 The Author(s). All Rights Reserved.

Although the development of Asia adolescents’ citizenship values has been widely discussed, limited attention has been paid for the role of religion in shaping those values. The possibility has been suggested that Asian religious contexts may be understood differently from those in the West and research findings in those contexts are not necessarily applicable to Asia. This study, therefore, sought to understand further the association between the religious engagement of Asian adolescents’ and democratic values. The results indicated that attitudes to equality were moderately influenced by an understanding of democracy while religious engagement showed small, negative or non-significant associations with equality. Students’ understanding of democracy did not mediate the effect of students’ religious engagement. These results provide further support for the view that in Asian contexts religious engagement may not necessarily provide a conductive environment for supporting traditional democratic values. Copyright © 2020 British Association for International and Comparative Education.

Since Hong Kong returned to Chinese sovereignty, national identity building became an important part of school education meeting some resistance in Hong Kong society. In 2012, thousands of school stakeholders protested against the introduction of the 2012 Guide of Moral and National Education (MNE). These conflicts have influenced teachers’ attitudes towards MNE and curriculum choices. Employing the Model of Teachers’ Perceptions of Moral and National Education, this research investigates the factors affecting teachers’ perceptions of MNE, as a national identity building curriculum. The findings indicated that “perceived other support for MNE,” “perceived non-monetary cost–benefits,” “perceived concerns of MNE,” and “comparison with the previous system (Moral and Civic education)” were the significant predictors for teachers’ receptivity of MNE. The results suggested that if teachers were supported by others, they were more likely to support MNE; and they were less likely to support the implementation of MNE when teachers had serious concerns about it. The results recommended adding media and socio-political factors into the Model of Teachers’ Receptivity to curriculum changes. The discussion will employ identity grafting (Lee in Managing Chineseness: Identity and ethnic management in Singapore, Palgrave Macmillan, London, 2017) as a point of comparison to identify the theoretical implications of MNE. Copyright © 2020 Springer Nature B.V.

Currently, the challenges deriving from the complex and dynamic socio-political context in Hong Kong influence principals’ and teachers’ relationships and interactions. Academic autonomy in Hong Kong secondary schools is not simply granted by the principals, it is influenced by the society, school conditions and key stakeholders. This study employed qualitative methods to examine how principals negotiate the political context surrounding citizenship education and how these practices influence the civic learning in schools. The results revealed that in school citizenship education, when principals lacked a clear vision of citizenship education, most teachers were compliant and avoided discussing controversial political topics with their students. Such teachers had less autonomy and consequently less self-efficacy. When principals mediated the diverse needs of students and balanced the different expectations of school stakeholders, there were both compliant and critical teachers. Teacher autonomy and self-efficacy were also affected by the current socio-political context in Hong Kong. When principals had a clear school civic mission, the results differed across schools. These findings suggest that principals have to reflect on their own understanding of the purposes and perspectives of citizenship education significantly to meet the multiple demands of a complicated and turbulent socio-political environment. Copyright © 2020 The Author(s).

Given substantial school autonomy in Hong Kong, different school leadership practices can yield different school environments for teachers, different degrees of teacher empowerment, and different civic teaching approaches. Principals can influence their school environment in civic learning and allocate resources to support civic education. Considerable attention has been given to the concept of ‘leading for learning’ (Goker, 2006) but there has been little attention given to civic learning in schools and how it might be facilitated by principals (Xu and Law, 2015). Given the volatile and uncertain external environment that students as future citizens face, civic learning must now be considered a priority. Kennedy, Li and Chan (2015) and Kennedy and Li (2017) have shown that school level factors can influence students’ civic learning, although the results are somewhat mixed, clearly this requires further investigation. This study extends this line of research by examining how principals create school civic teaching environments and how these influence teachers in their roles as civic educators. The results showed that the complex historical-cultural and socio-political contexts of Hong Kong have influenced school leadership when it comes to teaching civics, and the researcher has highlighted three main patterns of school leadership needed for civics teaching. When school leadership lacked a clear vision of citizenship education (pattern 1), most teachers were compliant and avoided dis-cussing sensitive political topics with their students. When school leadership mediated the diverse needs of students and balanced the different expectations of school stakeholders (pattern 2), there were both compliant and critical teachers. When school leadership had a clear vison of the school’s civic mission (pattern 3), the results differed across schools. These findings implied that principals have to significantly shift their understanding of the purposes of citizenship education

Most research concerned with students' civic learning has focused on what has been learnt as a result of their school experiences. While some attention has been paid to the influence of parents, peers and out-of-school experiences, in general these influences have been regarded as marginal to those provided by the official curriculum. While we do not underestimate the importance of these latter experiences, our focus in this chapter is on informal learning and its impact on the development of student's civic knowledge. Student samples from Hong Kong, Korea and Taiwan were drawn from the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) 2016. Informal learning was defined in the study reported here as “traditional media,” “social media” and “interaction with friends.” Structural equation modelling was used to test the relationship between informal learning, formal learning, citizenship self-efficacy, participation experiences and civic knowledge. Results indicated that traditional media exerted a positive effect on students' civic learning across the three societies; social media exerted a small but negative effect in all societies, though the effect was not significant in Korea. Talking with friends about social and political issues or about other countries, as a source of informal civic learning, did not affect students' civic knowledge in any significant way in any society. Copyright © 2020 selection and editorial matter, Javier Calvo de Mora and Kerry J. Kennedy; individual chapters, the contributors.