This paper draws on ‘diaspora at home’, a concept that encapsulates the unique dynamics between Hong Kong and mainland China, as an analytical tool to explore the cross-border experiences of 23 Hong Kong students at 11 universities in mainland China. It empirically ascertains how the made and imposed claims and identifications of these Hong Kong students resulted in inclusion and exclusion as their interactions with their mainland peers and institutions deepened. Specifically, it highlights how their ‘diaspora at home’ status offered exclusive access to privileged higher education opportunities, preferential treatments and opportunities for upward social mobility. Meanwhile, such a status also resulted in an overwhelming sense of political liability as they unwittingly became ‘political tokens’ and suspected political subjects amid the increasingly tense political atmosphere between mainland China and Hong Kong. This paper pinpoints the relevance of class and politics in understanding how diasporic groups engage with higher education. Copyright © 2019 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.

This article compares and re-examines citizenship education (CE) teaching and learning in Hong Kong (HK) and Guangzhou (GZ), China. It questions two stereotypical perceptions-that China schools indoctrinate students, and that CE lessons in HK are more open than those in mainland China. Data are drawn from some 30 lesson observations, 1,200 questionnaires, and 80 teacher/student interviews from six sampled HK and GZ schools. The study used NVivo to examine qualitative data, and employed hierarchical linear modelling with the help of SPSS and AMOS to analyse quantitative data. The findings suggest both cities are similar in terms of teaching/learning CE, due to globalization and domestic changes, and have similar CE conditions more conducive to open pedagogies (e.g., inquiry-based approaches) than indoctrination. HK's greater socioeconomic openness does not ensure its CE is more open than GZ's, for pedagogical and non-pedagogical reasons.
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This paper explores how notions of race, ethnicity, and blood are mobilized in educational texts in Hong Kong. It elaborates how civic identity is racialized as part of a nationalist education operating beneath the surface of expressed commitments to global citizenship, human rights, etc., in curriculum and textbooks. Many have commented on how cultural and ethnic ties are prioritized over political principles as bases for civic education in Asian societies. These cultural/ethnic bases should be critically examined, however, as they imply racial/ethnic exclusions. Examining how race, ethnicity, and blood are used to justify cultural framings of civic identity leads to questions about how education can be used to unify some, while alienating others from a sense of belonging and community. I argue that racialization of Hong Kong civic identity is not a happy solution for all members of society, and for more inclusive visions of identity in education.
[Copyright of Discourse-Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education is the property of Routledge.]

This article examines how schools in Hong Kong attempt to craft South Asian migrant students into desirable citizens and how the youths understand themselves as members of Hong Kong and of a global community. The contestation has to do both with how South Asians are viewed in Hong Kong and with how post-colonial Hong Kong is related to China. The process of citizen-making of transnational youths, I argue, is best understood at the local-national-global intersection.
[Copyright of Anthropology & Education Quarterly is the property of Wiley-Blackwell Publishing, Inc.]

Most research concerned with students' civic learning has focused on what has been learnt as a result of their school experiences. While some attention has been paid to the influence of parents, peers and out-of-school experiences, in general these influences have been regarded as marginal to those provided by the official curriculum. While we do not underestimate the importance of these latter experiences, our focus in this chapter is on informal learning and its impact on the development of student's civic knowledge. Student samples from Hong Kong, Korea and Taiwan were drawn from the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) 2016. Informal learning was defined in the study reported here as “traditional media,” “social media” and “interaction with friends.” Structural equation modelling was used to test the relationship between informal learning, formal learning, citizenship self-efficacy, participation experiences and civic knowledge. Results indicated that traditional media exerted a positive effect on students' civic learning across the three societies; social media exerted a small but negative effect in all societies, though the effect was not significant in Korea. Talking with friends about social and political issues or about other countries, as a source of informal civic learning, did not affect students' civic knowledge in any significant way in any society. Copyright © 2020 selection and editorial matter, Javier Calvo de Mora and Kerry J. Kennedy; individual chapters, the contributors.

“殖民教育”是殖民地政府推行或支持的旨在實現、鞏固或延續對殖民地人民剝削、壓迫而從事的有計劃的教育活動。殖民教育具有強制和半強制性,多會滲透宗主國的語言教育,強調技術、技能教育,有意弱化民族意識。近代以來,隨著中華文明的衰落和西方文明的崛起,為適應英國帝國體制轉型和殖民統治利益的需要,英國殖民者積極在香港推行殖民教育,構築了以英語語言教育為龍頭和標誌,以歷史教育和公民教育為兩翼,以科學技術教育為主幹的殖民教育體系,導致香港的政治認同模式有別於一般民族國家的正常邏輯,嚴重扭曲了香港中學生乃至香港社會的“國家”和“民族”觀念。根據官方統計,香港回歸前後,香港中學生的國家認同遠遠低於香港認同,同時對大陸的政治體制和政治價值也存在著深深地懷疑。回歸後,中央政府和特區政府非常重視香港的國民身份重構,積極發展國民教育,加大對國情、民族、《基本法》教育。但與此同時,一方面,香港的國民教育無論從稱謂、主要內容還是從價值導向都存在著對港英政府時期“公民教育”的路徑依賴;另一方面,當前的國民教育並沒有解決香港社會在國家認同與政黨認同、原生性認同與成就認同、本土認同與國家認同之間的糾葛。港島依然在身份重構的路上步履蹣跚。鑒於此,未來香港的國民教育必須實現路徑轉換,以整體性、適應性、政治性、長期性和多樣性為原則,加強中國歷史、傳統文化、語言、社會主義民主、中國當代社會發展史以及“一國兩制”和《基本法》等教育,且在法制建設、財政支持、教師隊伍建設和社會辦學管理等方面加強政策和制度保障,積極構建具有歷史適應性和長軸性的國民教育體系,徹底清除港英政府時期“公民教育”的歷史影響,推動香港社會自覺在中華民族大歷史框架下尋找自己的敘事言說。

Under 'One Country, Two Systems', 'good citizens' ‐ as supported by pro-democratic positions ‐ and 'good citizens' ‐ as promoted by the Chinese government ‐ are seemingly in contradiction with each another based on their values and ideologies in Hong Kong. The competing values of citizenship are demonstrated by deep divisions within Hong Kong society, with pro-democratic groups advocating democratic values and initiating societal transformation, and their pro-establishment counterparts highlighting patriotic values and sustaining the status quo. From an educational perspective, teachers take on an essential role in the implementation of education policies designed to cultivate students who are 'good citizens'. This research employed a mixed-methods approach to examine Hong Kong teachers' perceptions of 'good citizens' based on their affinity with democratic and patriotic values. The findings indicated that rather than conflicting, patriotic values tended to be complementary to democratic values. Moreover, critical patriotic citizens with multiple identities who participate rationally and constructively in social and political activities might be more likely to facilitate democratic development in Hong Kong. These findings have implications for policy-makers responsible for the citizenship education and preparation of future citizens living within polarized and pluralistic societies, and they highlight the value of learning to live together in a complex world. Copyright © 2019 Intellect Ltd Article.

The dynamic of how civic education is framed during turbulent periods is illuminated through analysis of three Hong Kong official civic education curriculum guidelines (1985, 1996, 2012). Guidelines are publicly available, officially sanctioned statements of purpose that have particular relevance for education professionals and are used around the world to characterize educational initiatives. Our focus is on guidelines written during periods in which there was colonial hegemony by the United Kingdom (1985), an attempt to promote liberal democracy by the Hong Kongese (1996), and an assertion of Chinese nationalism (2012). We argue that guidelines about civic education are similar across these times of political turbulence. There are shifts in the content of the guidelines, but fundamental differences are not made explicit. The documents are not aligned with a theoretical framework of colonialism, liberal democracy, or Chinese nationalism, but rather, they are pragmatically oriented. The guidelines are signifiers of attempts to achieve normative stability. Copyright © 2019 College and University Faculty Assembly of National Council for the Social Studies.

The relationship between history education and political education in Asian societies is an underexplored topic. Politics have deeply shaped the development of history education in Hong Kong, as in many other societies around the world. Hong Kong history education reforms have been criticized for providing a new form of national political education. This study examines how politic education can be found in the Hong Kong history curriculum as 'latent content'. To do so, it provides a qualitative content analysis of all textual data used in 'Chinese history' and 'history' textbooks in secondary schools in Hong Kong which discuss or portray political content, focusing particularly on the themes of identity shaping and assimilation. Before focusing on the Hong Kong situation, this paper first explores how history education is a political topic in general. Then Hong Kong's complicated political legacy is described in relation to one of the unique features of history education there: the concurrence of two subjects, 'history' and 'Chinese history'. Current debates about the reform of history education in Hong Kong and the limitations of current history education in Hong Kong are examined in the next part, using data from textbooks. Our analysis shows that 1) national identity is prioritized over local identity in the textbooks, and 2) the textbooks mainly reflect a Mainland-based majority perspective and justify assimilation in history, resulting in a lack of recognition of the many different minority groups of Mainland China, of which Hong Kong people may see themselves as part. Based on the analysis, we argue that history education in Hong Kong provides a narrow political education that can impede some crucial education goals in Hong Kong.
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