香港的性教育推行了多年，今天似乎仍裹足不前。本文旨在對現今的性教育作一些再思，並提出需要考慮的元素，令性教育能真正配合青少年的需要。文中提出，性教育工作者應接受青少年為性的個體，了解性教育不能抽離青少年的生活，更要建立一個友善的談性空間；而性教育應處於不斷發展的狀態，以更緊扣青少年的需要。同時，性教育亦需考慮朋輩、家庭及學校的參予和配合。
After many years of promotion, the outcome of sex education is still unsatisfactory. Rethinking the situation, this article proposes some elements that should be put under consideration for sex education that can best fulfill the needs of youth. Educators in sexuality need to accept adolescent sexuality and to see adolescents as "sexual beings" in order to understand that sex education is closely related to the daily life of youth, and to provide a friendly environment for talking about their developing sexuality. Sex education should involve the participation of peers, parents and schools.
[Copyright of Journal of Youth Studies is the property of The Hong Kong Federation of Youth Groups at http://yrc.hkfyg.org.hk/]

香港特區政府進行教育體制政策，並將於2009年開始，在中學逐步推行「3+3+4」學制，其中高中考試 還加入了通識教育科作為必修科要求學生應考。本文欲對通識教育在今天的香港推行的意義進行分，亦試圖 剖析為何遭受到種種批評，並對如何面對種種問題提出筆者的意見。筆者欲指出，在香港推行通識教育有其時代的逼切性，它既是全人教育的重要組成部份，亦用以補足因知識專業化所帶來的不足。論者雖然對應否在今天的香港推行通識教育持正面的意見，但礙於通識教育的性質、要求及考核與傳統的學科有異，他們對如何推行及是否具備條件推行則頗有保留。筆者欲指出，此種種問題確實存在，但並非不能克服。教授此科的教師不應本能地產生恐懼及排斥，而應該理性思考，以開放的態度思考問題及迎接教學卜戶法的轉變。我們不應把政府決定推行通識教育的美意扭曲，以致好事變成壞事，而應欣然接受新教學方法的挑戰，調整自己的意識及強化自己的能力以迎接新環境的到臨。
The Hong Kong SAR Government will process the "3+3+4" new academic structure. Starting from 2009, senior secondary education will begin to have a new syllabus to set Liberal Studies as a core and compulsory subject in the new examination system. In this article, we will study the meaning of Liberal Studies in contemporary Hong Kong society, and we will also try to analyze why it has encountered various comments, and how we can cope with the related issues. The author would like to point out that, there is an urgent need to have the subject of Liberal Studies in contemporary Hong Kong society, because it is an important part of whole-person education in contemporary society. At the same time, it also balances the impact of specialized education. Due to the special nature of liberal studies, it is not too suitable to use the traditional way to assess the performance of students. Critics generally support the goal of liberal studies, but they do worry about the implementation and the supporting condition in enhancing this subject. The author would like to point out that, it is sure that many issues exist, but it does not mean that the issues cannot be solved. The teachers need not have such great opposition; they are advised to have an open mind to think rationally, and to adapt a new way to teach this subject. It is not suitable to distort the good intention of the government, and make the good thing become worse. Teachers are advised to learn a new way to teach this subject, adjust their attitudes, and strengthen their ability to accept the new teaching environment.

「孝」是中國傳統文化中重要道德價值，而宣揚孝道義理的典籍文獻，不勝枚舉。傳統中國社會的蒙學教材，同樣標榜孝道。直至現今香港幼稚園的公民教育，依然強調孝道，可見孝道義理是幼兒教育的重要一環。本文嘗試探討幼兒學習孝道義理的價值，然後分析香港幼兒教育融入孝道義理的策略，並提出其限制與改善建議，以求優化香港幼兒教育學與的成效。
Filial piety is one of the important moral values of Chinese traditional culture and there are many classical writings related to this theme. Filial piety has been stressed in the initiatory text of traditional Chinese society. At present, it is also being emphasized in civic education of Hong Kong kindergarten education. Therefore, filial piety is a vital part of early childhood education. This paper attempts to explore the worth of learning filial piety among children, it then analyzes the strategies of incorporating filial piety in Hong Kong early childhood education. Both limitations and suggestions for improvement will be made in order to improve the learning and teaching of early childhood education in Hong Kong.
[Copyright of Hong Kong Teachers' Centre Journal is the property of Hong Kong Teachers' Centre at http://www.edb.org.hk/hktc]

作者指出因九七回歸，香港人的國民身份因而得到重新界定，但似乎不少青少年仍覺得自己是香港人多於中國人。作為一個欠缺政治實体的殖民地，港人只有「子民」而無「公民」的身份，教育方面則重視「子民教育」而輕「公民教育」。文章先就教育與政治發展的關係進行分析，並對青年人的社會及參與意識作出描述，從而總結出一些公民教育發展的方向。
As a result of the reunification of Hong Kong with China, the national identity of Hong Kong citizens is needed to be redefined. However, due to more than one hundred and fifty years of colonial rule which foster an "alien subject education" and the culture of "bureaucratic politics" is enhanced. Hong Kong people, as a Chinese are unable to build up a sense of nationalism, though local schools had already conducted "civics" as a separate subject in the 1930s. This subject was revised several times in content until it was renamed to EPA in 1965. However, the syllabus is very much emphasized on the knowledge of Government policy instead of promoting political participation. In fact, the Government has exercised tight control on the syllabus and curricula taught in schools. Until 1985, Education Department proposed the first "Guidelines on Civic Education in Schools" which recommended schools to deliver civic education through hidden curriculum. Effects are subject to queries. Research findings confirm that young people are a group of idealistic observers who have inadequate knowledge and skills to involve in public affairs. However, democratization and de-colonization processes are further speed up, especially during the late transition period, Hong Kong people were able to directly elect their representatives in the three-tier political structure. These mass political campaigns and mobilization could further promote a sense of social consciousness among the younger generation. In fact, political participation is the best form of political education. The author proposes that the focus of civic education should be on both nationalistic and democratice themes. Besides, as participatory-oriented approach should be adopted so that young people could be provided with ample opportunities to participate in the decision