School participation rates in Hong Kong are acknowledged to be high but not always for the city’s ethnic minority students. Case study was used to portray the ‘out of school’ phenomenon for ethnic minority students at a secondary school in Hong Kong through the experiences of one such ethnic minority student. Morshed, a Pakistani student, participated with the researchers in an unstructured in-depth interview. In addition, interviews were also conducted with the principal, two teachers, and one support staff from the school. The study showed the complex interaction of school contexts and personal life issues that influenced Morshed’s dropping out of school. Implications are drawn for providing better school support that can facilitate more positive schooling experiences for Hong Kong’s ethnic minority students.
[Copyright © 2017 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.]

按 2011 年的統計，少數族群人士佔香港人口 6.38%，十年來增長率超過 31%，即使減去來港工作的外籍家庭傭工，增長率依然高愈 20%，遠比華人增長率的 4%為高。瑝中，超過14%是南亞裔人士（泛指印度、巴基斯坦、泥泊爾裔人士），他們大部分生活在社會低下層。雖然他們在香港生活已經更超過 170 年歷史，但無論這城市的政權誰屬，政府都沒更認真的政策去促進他們與這裡的整合。 針對少數族群（尤其是以移术為主要構成部分之一）的整合政策（integration policy），不同理論和機構的偏重都有所不同，例如經濟合作與發展組織（OECD）提出了九大指標，Entzinger & Biezeveld 提出的著名理論則集中在四大方面，但教育始終是諸般提法當中被受最普遍關注的領域。要促進香港南亞裔人士的社會整合，在教育領域上更甚麼理應改革之處？我們嘗試在教育界別的專業人士和學者的研究中找想法，可惜他們對少數族群的關注並不熱切，而又比較著眼於教學法、課程和考評設計之類的技法層面，宏觀政策或者與社會整合更緊密相關的部分，材料不多。反而，關注少數族群福祉的非政府組織，能夠從社會整合的整體考慮去檢討教育政策。 關注香港南亞裔人士的研究者都認為，在 2008 年香港立法會議通過〈反種族歧視條例〉之後，香港特區政府才算是認真面對少數族群的社會整合問題。本文就是考察 2008 年至今近八年以來的非政府組織提出的諸種批評和倡議，從促進南亞裔人士社會整合的角度出發，反思在教育領域上更待改革的方方面面。本文旨在更系統地檢討政策在理念、具體措施和成效評估上的偏頗或不足。大致上，在身分認同、文化體認、社會資本、公术整合和社會流動等五大方陎，都可以檢視到政策的不足或不理想之處。本文作為相關檢討的一份材料比較豐富、更系統性的整理，相信對政策制定者以及前線教育工作者都更一定的參考價值。 扼要而言，近八年以來我們能夠在香港 主流媒體中搜集到由關注少數族裔福祉的非政府組織提出的相關批評和倡議，約 40 份。跟教育界專業人士和學者比較，非政府組織的關注更以下要點： （一）關注起始自學前教育（即小學階段之前的帅兒教育），並注意到當中存在的社會排斥和機會剝削問題（例如取錄學生的過程），令致更 15 至 20 個百分點的少數族裔小孩未能接受學前教育（瑝中以南亞裔為主）。這不單影響他們此後的就學率和選擇，也削弱他們對香港社會的認同感。由於香港的學前教育全屬私營範疇，令主流的教育界人士對此少更關注。 （二）主流的教育界人士罕有關注（或承認）南亞裔學生在學校的學習、社交過程中遭受同學（甚或教職員）歧視，而這些都是從根本上釀成他們與香港社會難以整合的徭性循環。這些問題，主要是依賴非政府組織提出批評和關注。 （三）香港的中學教育制度著重文法科教育而忽略專技教育，長期為人詬病。而這制度上的偏頗，「受害人」正是以南亞裔學生為主。即使在中國語文教育上，也未能從專技教育的角度出發去調節課程內容（例如南亞裔學生的中文課程能否略去古文和古詩詞部分？），令致他們的社會上向流動條件大受削弱，選擇偏狹。 （四）跟（三）的反思相近：香港作為一個全球化程度極高的國際都會，更關中文水平的資歷評核、第二語言學歷要求的彈性……等等，卻是十分僵化死板，甚或比殖民時期更更不足，令致南亞裔學生在升學、社會上向流動方陎大受排斥。從理論上看，這是一種頗為片面的「同化取向」制度，容不下文化多元性的取向。這對南亞裔年輕人的社會整合，甚或培育高程度的社會認同感，都更很大的傷害。 （五）近年來香港政府致力在學校推行「國民教育」，即使引發社會上爭議甚烈，但這新政對南亞裔年輕人反思自身的文化、身分認同時更何衝擊，都未受到一般大眾或者教育界人士的關注。

少數族裔在香港居住由來已久，但香港的《施政報告》在2014年才首次提及少數族裔須融入社會，並公佈為少數族裔學生提供「中國語文課程第二語言學習架構」等措施，但這都只是集中支援小一至中六學生，當中並未顧及學前的幼兒(樂施會，2014)。然而，香港教育局早於2006年所編訂的《學前教育課程指引》已確認零至八歲是幼兒學習的最佳時期（課程發展議會，2006)。事實上，隨著多年來南亞裔（如巴基斯坦、尼泊爾、混血兒─華人和其他亞洲人）移民於本港定居，新一代的南亞裔人口在的人口急速上升*他們雖有香港居民身份，但可享有的資源及支援卻與本土居民有所不同(林仕蓉，2011)。自2014年7月平等機會委員會發表報告指教育制度令少數族裔兒童因中文科成績低落而在升學方面得不到公平競爭的機會，並促請當局採取改善措施，包括在學前階段為少數族裔兒童提供中文支援計劃（立法會，2012)。但政府一直沒有在這學習的黃金時期為少數族裔幼兒提供直接和恆常的中文學習支援(樂施會，2014)。為此，本文章透過與一位服務少數族裔學前幼兒多年的幼稚園校長分享及文獻探討，讓大眾瞭解這一社會上的弱勢社群的幼兒學習需要，以及反思支援少數族裔學前幼兒學習的不足情況。

This paper reports a case study on Maneesha Rai, a Nepalese girl living in Hong Kong and an “out of school” student. Based on in-depth interviews, a case was constructed of her previous school days and current “out of school” days. These provided a vivid picture of her life and several themes were created using schema analysis that help explain the reasons for her “dropping out” of school after Form Five. It has been common to attribute school failure for ethnic minority students in Hong Kong to problems with Chinese language education. Yet Maneesha’s case study shows that her experience of failure in other subjects such as Mathematics and Science contributed to her lack of successful schooling. Maneesha’s school failure was more than simply a consequence of academic failure. Rather, there were many other interrelated factors such as peer and community factors, dropout history in the family, racism, differences in schooling culture found that contributed to her school failure. In addition, Maneesha, like many of her ethnic minority friends, enjoyed the freedom afforded her in Hong Kong, but it seemed such freedom also meant inadequate attention from her teachers.
[Copyright © 2016 National Institute of Education, Singapore.]

An important feature of Hong Kong’ education reform over the past decade has been the articulation of the “no loser principle”. It was meant to signal that all students are valuable and will benefit from both basic and senior secondary education. Yet barriers remain for the 2.9% of students under age 15 who can be classified as ethnic minorities. The educational needs of these students also remained invisible in the school system until the 2008 Racial Discrimination Ordinance and the implementation of inclusive education policy in 2002 (Education Bureau 2010, 2011). The paper examines the policy context in which provisions for ethnic minority students have been made in Hong Kong schools and also classroom practices that operationalize these policies on a daily basis. It then reports the findings of an interview study into 32 teachers’ views of the cross-cultural experience of ethnic minority students, their influence on the performance of these students and how the diverse learning needs of these students are being addressed. This study shows that teachers struggle to conceptualize a new rationale for responding to cultural diversity. They develop a sense of inter-cultural sensitivity, promote cultural responsiveness to diversity, and strengthen the home-school connection. Finally, a framework for the creation of culturally responsive classrooms, based upon the teachers’ new rationale of cultural responsiveness, is proposed.