This paper examines contested meanings of international student mobility in Hong Kong and Taiwan. The study tries to understand why policy makers and university managers find it difficult to diversify student bodies in these jurisdictions. In particular, problems with the conceptualisation of international student mobility are discussed. In practical terms, the paper delineates key boosters and barriers for inbound flows which received little attention in the previous literature that primarily focused on the outbound mobility. Finally, the researchers discuss important policy leverages that could enhance the value of engagement of international students in transcultural learning. Copyright © 2019 James Nicholas Publishers.

A major cluster of economic engines that have changed Asian higher education, Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan have all developed high-income societies as well as world-class universities which linked local “knowledge economies” to global science and created hubs for international collaborations and mobility. However, there has been limited analysis of interdependencies between the rise of world-class universities and changes in the flows of international talent. This paper elaborates on the concept of higher education internationalization that aims at enhancing geopolitical equity in global mobility and re-positioning local students for improved access to the world-class excellence. The paper compares key themes and patterns that define the Tiger societies’ unique positions in the field of global higher education. Copyright © 2021 The Author(s).

本文從台灣特殊教育立法的進程和內容,反思現行香港特殊教育立法的情況,並獲得以下九項啟示:1.儘快訂定特殊教育立法的時間表;2.加深及擴展特殊教育立法的層次;3.列明有關特殊教育的具體條文;4.增加特殊教育的經費,並列明特殊教育經費的比率;5.明訂特殊教育教師的任用資格及聘用流程;6.重新檢視及列明特殊學生鑑定和安置的內容;7.延伸及擴展特殊教育的服務對象;8.訂立罰則及特殊教育的申訴機制;9.加入本地特殊教育發展的具體條文。This paper reviews the process and contents of the legislation of special education in Taiwan and discusses its implications on the current legislation situation for special education in Hong Kong. The review reveals the need for nine actions. 1. To set up a time table for the legislation of special education in Hong Kong as soon as possible 2. To refine and expand the levels of legislation 3. To list out the specific clauses of legislation 4. To increase funding for special education and list out the ratio of funding5. To clearly lay down the employment qualifications of special education teachers and the recruitment procedure 6. To review and lay out the details for the identification, and placement of students with special educational needs 7. To extend and expand the service targets for special education 8. To set up terms of penalty and a complaint mechanism for special education and 9. To add specific clauses for the development of special education in Hong Kong.
[Copyright of 香港特殊教育期刊 is the property of 香港特殊教育學會有限公司. Full article may be available at the publisher's website:
https://sites.google.com/a/seshk.org.hk/seshk-org-hk/c_publication]

This article unpacks how neoliberal discourse functions as a dominant but problematic system of reasoning that changes and shifts the ways in which we come to think about early childhood education and care. A post-structuralist lens is deployed to understand the production of fears and hopes under the looming shadows of contemporary education reforms and social policies. Highlighting Taiwan, Hong Kong and Korea as three cases from East Asian cultures, this article seeks to elucidate how a similar neoliberal economic and political imaginary is at work to (re)construct East Asian children as human capital for the alchemy of productive citizens in the 21st century.
[Copyright of Policy Futures in Education is the property of Symposium Journals.]

Despite sharing a common cultural heritage, recent developments in gifted education in several countries and regions within East Asia, including the People’s Republic of China (mainland China), Taiwan, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR), Singapore, Japan, and South Korea, show that each country and region is now characterized by different approaches to gifted education. However, the challenges facing many of these countries and regions are remarkably similar, including a number of fundamental issues such as misconceptions as to the role of gifted education within communities that are dominated by extensive and pervasive examination systems, and the limited roles of indigenous research in conceptions of giftedness and curriculum development. In contrast, gifted education in Japan has had a “virtual” existence over many years, although the ability of its education systems – both public and private – to meet the specific needs of its “gifted” students is yet to be determined.
[Copyright © Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2009.]

The article reviews the roles of nonstate actors (NSAs) in general in Taiwan–Hong Kong relations during the administration of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region's first Chief Executive, Tung Chee-hwa (1997–2003), in order to explore the contributions and limitations of these agencies in constructing political spaces between Hong Kong and Taiwan. The first part of the article explains the reasons behind the short appearance of NSAs in Taiwan–Hong Kong relations after 1997. The second part, the case studies, looks at two selected NSAs: the Hong Kong Policy Research Institute in Hong Kong and the Friends of Hong Kong and Macau Association based in Taipei. The reasons for the setbacks they faced after 2003 and their possible roles following leadership changes in Hong Kong and Taiwan in the run-up to 2010 will be analyzed in the last section.
[Copyright © 2010 Policy Studies Organization.]

Since Hong Kong's retrocession, the government has endeavoured to strengthen local citizens' identification with the People's Republic of China - a project that acquired new impetus with the 2010 decision to introduce Moral and National Education' (MNE) as a compulsory school subject. In the face of strong local opposition, this policy was withdrawn in 2012, and implementation of MNE made optional. This article seeks to elucidate the background to the MNE controversy of 2012 by locating the emergence of a distinctive Hong Kong identity in its historical context, and analysing successive official attempts (before and after the 1997 retrocession) to use schooling for purposes of political socialisation. We argue that the school curriculum has projected and reflected a dual sense of identity: a Chineseness' located mainly in ethno-cultural qualities, and a Hongkongeseness' rooted in civic attributes. While reinforced by schooling, local civic consciousness has been intimately related to a tradition of public activism strongly evident since the 1970s, and further strengthened post-1997.
[Copyright of Comparative Education is the property of Routledge. Full article may be available at the publisher's website:
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050068.2015.1033169]

Researchers in comparative education have suggested different ways in which their field of study can be enhanced by considering units of analysis at different levels rather than focusing on a single level such as the nation-state (Bray and Thomas, 1995; Torney-Purta and Barber, 2011). The study reported here seeks to contribute to this area of interest to comparative researchers. It does so by identifying groups for comparison that are not predefined in advance of any analysis but which emerge during the analytic process itself. Drawing on data from ICCS 2009 (Schulz et al., 2010), the intentions of 14-year-old students in five Asian societies to participate in future civic related activities are analyzed with a focus on the students’ responses to specific questions. The results show that there is considerable variation within each of these societies when it comes to type of future civic engagement. At one end of the spectrum are groups of students who are classified as “Radical Participators” while at the other there are the “Minimal Participators” and there are other clusters of students in between. Groups such as these exist in each society, although not in the same proportions. The implications of these results are discussed, especially with reference to how comparative research can be enhanced by identifying groups through person-centered analytic techniques.
[Copyright © 2015 The Author(s).]