Liberal studies (LS) textbooks used in Hong Kong public secondary schools have incurred controversy regarding perceived biased contents; however, what appears uncertain are what techniques the textbooks used to incite hostility towards the mainland of China and encourage students to participate in violent acts in Hong Kong. The present study used Michel Foucault's order of discourse theory, particularly the "division and rejection" framework regarding the power of discourse to analyze five popular LS textbooks. The findings reveal that the textbooks depict a division between the fabricated irrational image of the mainland and the rational image of Hong Kong. Specifically, the textbooks paint Chinese patriotism as irrational while encouraging the student readers to reject their Chinese identity. The textbooks also create a division between altruistic and capable civilians and passive, silent ones, with the morality of the former being connected to violence and radicalism. In this way, the textbooks produce a discourse of hostility towards the mainland and the people in the mainland while encouraging violence. Copyright © 2022 Routledge.

This article compares and re-examines citizenship education (CE) teaching and learning in Hong Kong (HK) and Guangzhou (GZ), China. It questions two stereotypical perceptions-that China schools indoctrinate students, and that CE lessons in HK are more open than those in mainland China. Data are drawn from some 30 lesson observations, 1,200 questionnaires, and 80 teacher/student interviews from six sampled HK and GZ schools. The study used NVivo to examine qualitative data, and employed hierarchical linear modelling with the help of SPSS and AMOS to analyse quantitative data. The findings suggest both cities are similar in terms of teaching/learning CE, due to globalization and domestic changes, and have similar CE conditions more conducive to open pedagogies (e.g., inquiry-based approaches) than indoctrination. HK's greater socioeconomic openness does not ensure its CE is more open than GZ's, for pedagogical and non-pedagogical reasons.
[Copyright of Journal of Curriculum Studies is the property of Routledge.]

This article argues for reconstructing Hong Kong’s civic education in the post-national education era, and puts forward some rethinking on conceptual, curricular and pedagogical matters. This article starts with a brief critical review of the development of school civic education in Hong Kong to set the context. This is followed by a discussion of the MNE controversy. It points out that the shelving of the mandatory subject and reversion to depoliticized school-based civic education is inadequate to address the needs of civic education in Hong Kong. Finally, this article argues in favour of the type of civic education that aims at cultivating politically literate, critically thinking and actively participating citizens, with particular reference to the Civic Education Guidelines from Civil Society. This set of unofficial Guidelines proposes that Hong Kong’s civic education has to be reconstructed both in conceptual, curricular and pedagogical terms accordingly. Hopefully, this article will shed light on the development of civic education in societies that are facing similar challenges in the process of democratization and an upheaval of civic consciousness of the citizenry.
[Copyright © 2015 Intellect Ltd Article.]

This paper provides an overview of the considerable turmoil that erupted in Hong Kong following attempts to impose a form of national education in schools. From mid July to September 2012, mass gatherings and street demonstrations occurred in Hong Kong in response to the decision by the government to introduce a compulsory school subject titled Moral and National Education. A teaching kit titled the 'China Model National Conditions Teaching Manuel' prompted a public outcry for its approach to embedding a particular version of national identity and citizenship in the curriculum which was considered by many citizens in Hong Kong to be extremely biased. Parents and students in Hong Kong were alarmed when they discovered that many supporting teaching materials, suggested teaching plans, and even organised visits to the Mainland were biased, aiming only at presenting a positive picture of China to the students. This approach to developing a national identity was regarded by many protestors as not representative of the freedom of opinion and association that citizens in Hong Kong regarded as essential for citizenship and as part of understanding their rights in China under 'One Country, Two Systems'. The introduction of this program led to debates about the nature and purposes of civics and citizenship education and whether efforts to secure a national approach to education are in fact a form of indoctrination. This paper outlines the context for these questions about embedding a form of national identity and citizenship in the curriculum in Hong Kong and discusses the purposes of civic education. It concludes that students should have access to effective civics and citizenship education that allows them to develop their own sense of identity and opinions about their community as 'critical patriots'.
[Copyright © 2014 Informit]