This paper describes, analyses and evaluates changes in teaching methodologies of the English curriculum formally proposed for Hong Kong secondary schools from 1975 to 1998. “Formally proposed” means “stated in written documents produced by agencies with official authority”. Aspects of the formal, or planned curriculum in Hong Kong have been stated in written documents produced by agencies such as the Educational Management Board (EMB) and the Curriculum Development Council (CDC). The documents used for this analysis are the 1975 (provisional) Syllabus for English (Forms 1-5) and the 1983 Syllabus for English (Forms 1-5). In additions, since the current research project falls at a time when another major curriculum renewal process is in process, there will be some extrapolation from the 1997 task-based primary English curriculum to the task-based secondary English curriculum planned for the year 2000. The planned curriculum is examined here as the first step in a larger research project which aims to compare the planned and implemented curriculum of the HK Special Administrative Region and Shanghai. The research question relevant to this paper is: “What are the aims, objectives, teaching methodology and assessment of the English curriculum formally proposed in Hong Kong schools?” The planned curriculum is seen as only one aspect of the process which shapes a curriculum. It is acknowledged that a curriculum plan is like a blueprint for a building which may never be constructed, or may not be constructed as planned, or if constructed may not serve its intended functions (Cornbleth, 1990, p.6). The paper focuses on methodology, while other aspects of the planned curriculum are treated in other papers (forthcoming) produced under the auspices of the project.

This paper compares public-private partnerships (PPPs) in education in post-war Singapore and Hong Kong. After the Second World War the Singapore government shied away from PPPs, while the state in Hong Kong collaborated extensively with the non-state sector in education. Singapore was a small city-state flanked by two Muslim nations, and its post-war regime faced challenges from the Malayan Communist Party. These pressures curbed the state's involvement with missionary and Chinese bodies in education. Hong Kong, however, was a mono-racial society without any anti-Chinese neighbours, and its authorities were seldom challenged by a militant antagonist. Thus, its government was freer to involve non-state agents in education. This study reveals that PPPs are viable only when suitable non-state partners exist and when the state does not believe that such undertakings would expose the school system to an antagonist. It also urges scholars in future to explore the socio-political preconditions for PPPs.
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http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0046760X.2014.979256]

Generally speaking, after the Chinese Communist Party had gained political power, the colonial Hong Kong Government intended to resist the spread and influence of communism and to that end implemented Civic Education in Hong Kong. The present study disagrees with this simple description and analysis. The postwar Hong Kong was confronted with the complex Chinese civil war situation while the British maintained their colonial governance. Faced with the rising power of the Communist Party, the victory of the war and the outbreak of the Korean War, the entire geo-political transformation process influenced the administration and strategy of the Hong Kong Government. The question was that did Hong Kong conduct the Nationalist education as civic education before 1949 and under the cultural and educational influence of the Communist across the border? Hong Kong had to implement the embargo policy of the United Nations and the Cold War’s strategy between the capitalist world and the communist blocs. It was not necessary for Civic Education wholly revealing a responding problem but it can partly explain the real situation.
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